Author: Theph

The 52nd G7 Summit, held in Évian-les-Bains, France (June 15-17, 2026), revived a question that continues to resonate in contemporary diplomacy: whatever happened to the G8? For nearly two decades, Russia sat alongside the world’s leading industrial democracies, transforming the Group of Seven into the Group of Eight. Since 2014, however, Russia has been absent from the forum. Its departure was not merely an act of diplomatic exclusion. It became a telling illustration of how power, rather than principle, often determines who remains at the top table of global governance.

More than a century ago, Winston Churchill observed: “The story of the human race is war. Except for brief and precarious interludes there has never been peace in the world; and long before history began murderous strife was universal and unending.” Though spoken in 1900, the remark remains strikingly relevant. International institutions frequently proclaim universal values, yet history suggests that those values are often interpreted through the lens of geopolitical interests. Russia’s removal from the G8 illustrates this uncomfortable reality.

The origins of the G7 date back to 1975 when the leaders of France, West Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States met in Rambouillet to confront economic turmoil triggered by oil shocks and stagflation. Canada joined a year later, creating the G7. Over time, what began as an economic coordination forum evolved into an influential political club embodying Western power and influence.

The end of the Cold War appeared to offer a historic opportunity to bridge old divides. With ideological confrontation seemingly over, Western leaders sought to integrate Russia into the emerging international order. After years of participation, Moscow became a full member in 1997, transforming the G7 into the G8. Russia’s admission was not based on economic parity alone. It reflected a strategic effort to anchor Russia within a cooperative Euro-Atlantic framework.

For a time, the experiment seemed successful. Russia gained prestige and influence, while Western governments anticipated greater political and economic convergence. The G8 symbolised the hope that Cold War rivalries could be replaced by partnership and dialogue.

Yet fundamental differences persisted. Russia viewed itself as an independent great power with legitimate security interests, while Western capitals increasingly promoted a rules-based order largely defined by Western institutions and norms. As long as relations remained cooperative, these contradictions were manageable. When geopolitical competition returned, they became irreconcilable.

The breaking point came in 2014 during the Ukraine crisis. Following the political upheaval in Kyiv and the removal of President Viktor Yanukovych, Russia moved swiftly to secure Crimea, home to its Black Sea Fleet and a predominantly Russian-speaking population. A referendum followed, after which Moscow incorporated Crimea into the Russian Federation. Ukraine and most Western governments denounced the move as illegal and a violation of sovereignty.

The response was immediate. The United States, Canada, Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Japan cancelled the planned G8 summit in Sochi and reconvened as the G7 in Brussels. Although the G8 possessed neither a formal charter nor an expulsion mechanism, Russia was effectively shown the door. The political outcome was unmistakable: the G8 ceased to exist.

Yet a troubling question remains. Was Russia excluded because it violated international norms, or because it challenged a Western-led geopolitical order? If the G7 is truly a guardian of international law, its standards should apply equally to all. If those standards are enforced selectively, the issue becomes one of power rather than principle.

Critics point to precisely this inconsistency. The United States and its allies have repeatedly undertaken military interventions and coercive campaigns without facing comparable consequences. The 1989 invasion of Panama removed General Manuel Noriega by force. NATO’s intervention in Kosovo proceeded without explicit United Nations Security Council authorisation. The 2003 invasion of Iraq, justified by claims later found wanting, destabilised an entire region and inflicted immense human suffering.

Similarly, decades of sanctions on Iran have imposed severe hardship on ordinary citizens while producing little lasting reconciliation. Venezuela has faced persistent economic and diplomatic pressure aimed at weakening and isolating its government. Yet none of these actions prompted calls for suspension from the G7. No emergency summit declared such conduct incompatible with international norms. No membership was questioned.

One need not endorse Russia’s actions in Crimea to recognise the contradiction. If intervention, regime change and violations of sovereignty justify exclusion, consistency requires equal scrutiny of all major powers. Instead, the impression conveyed to much of the world is that friends are accommodated while rivals are punished.

This perception has steadily eroded the moral authority of Western-led institutions. Across Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Middle East, many governments view the so-called rules-based order with growing scepticism. Their concern is not the existence of rules, but the unequal manner in which those rules are applied.

The world of 2026 is no longer the world of 1975. China has emerged as a superpower, India has become a pivotal global actor, and nations across the Global South increasingly demand a greater voice in international affairs. Alternative forums and partnerships are gaining traction, challenging institutions that once claimed unquestioned legitimacy.

Russia’s removal from the G8 was therefore about far more than Crimea. It marked the collapse of the post-Cold War vision that Russia could be integrated into a Western-led order on Western terms. More importantly, it exposed a reality long suspected by many: elite international forums are not neutral arbiters of global conduct but political institutions shaped by the interests of their most powerful members.

Churchill’s observation remains as pertinent today as it was over a century ago. Great-power rivalry has not disappeared; it has merely assumed new forms. The enduring lesson of Russia’s exit from the G8 is that institutions derive authority not merely from power but from legitimacy. When principles are applied selectively, legitimacy erodes. And when legitimacy erodes, even the world’s most exclusive clubs begin to lose their claim to moral authority.

Source: brecorder

The government has approved changes to the boards of three state-owned enterprises (SOEs), including the reconstitution of the boards of Hyderabad Electric Supply Company (HESCO) and Sukkur Electric Power Company (SEPCO), and the appointment of a chairman/independent director at National Engineering Services Pakistan (NESPAK).

The development came during a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on State-Owned Enterprises (CCoSOEs) held on Tuesday under the chairmanship of Federal Minister for Finance and Revenue, Senator Muhammad Aurangzeb, read a statement released by the Finance Division.

The CCoSOEs considered two agenda items concerning the appointment of the chairman/independent director of NESPAK, and the reconstitution of the Board of Directors of HESCO, alongside the appointment of an independent director on the Board of Sukkur Electric Power Company (SEPCO). After deliberations, both proposals were approved.

The finance minister emphasised that government representatives serving as ex-officio directors on these boards should be appropriately placed, competent and possess the requisite experience and institutional understanding to effectively represent their respective divisions.

Source: brecorder

For a Pakistani business looking to sell overseas, securing an international customer is only the beginning. Getting products across borders at a competitive price, navigating customs, managing payments and handling returns can determine whether an export order becomes profitable or an expensive exercise.

These challenges are pronounced for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and emerging e-commerce brands, which lack the freight efficiencies and specialised teams available to larger exporters.

Shipping costs can eat into margins, affected by fuel surcharges, airline capacity and global freight conditions. Customs documentation and destination-country regulations add complications, while banking procedures and foreign exchange requirements can make international payments difficult.

Returns present another hurdle. According to SkyNet Worldwide Express Pakistan, when an international parcel is returned to Pakistan, it is treated as a fresh import for customs purposes, potentially triggering duties and additional costs despite having originally left the country as an export. For smaller businesses, this can make international e-commerce difficult to sustain.

The challenge is building an operation capable of serving international customers consistently and profitably.

As businesses grow, scheduled pickups, bulk processing, inventory coordination, technology integration and shipment visibility become essential. Fulfilment and warehousing gain importance as companies move from occasional orders to regular cross-border operations.

“The critical change is that logistics moves from being the final step after an order is placed to becoming part of the company’s operational infrastructure,” said Wasay Shamshad, Managing Director of SkyNet Pakistan.

This means exporters need systems that support growth.

Case Study

SkyNet Pakistan’s work with textile exporters participating in Heimtextil, the international textile trade fair, illustrates the logistical demands of reaching overseas buyers.

According to the company, it works with more than 133 Pakistani businesses in connection with Heimtextil. These include established exporters such as Al-Karam, Gul Ahmed Textile Mills, Yunus Textile Mills, Feroze1888 Mills, Liberty Mills, Lucky Textile Mills, Nishat Mills and Nishat Chunian.

Exhibition shipments are time-sensitive: samples, catalogues and display materials must arrive within a specific window. Late arrival can mean missing buyers, while early deliveries create coordination challenges. The process requires documentation, customs clearance, cargo coordination and strict timelines.

The example shows logistics extending beyond parcels: exporters need coordinated services to secure buyers and develop relationships abroad.

Operating in Pakistan since 1996, SkyNet is adapting under second-generation leadership. Shamshad serves as Managing Director, while Zariq Ahmed Mughal leads Marketing and International Coordination.

The company says its focus has shifted towards e-commerce, technology, fulfilment, partnerships and SMEs. Freight volumes across Karachi and Lahore have grown since 2023, expanding through 2025 and continuing into 2026.

According to the company, the United Kingdom remains its largest international corridor. US business grew approximately 89% in 2025, while Europe recorded growth of approximately 173%. By September 2026, activity in both markets had reached or surpassed levels recorded during the whole of the previous year.

The question is whether Pakistan’s trade ecosystem can make international business more accessible to smaller exporters.

Customs and export documentation need to become more digital, standardised and accessible. Banking procedures and international receipts should be easier to navigate while maintaining compliance. Cost competitiveness remains crucial: freight can represent a substantial share of an order’s value.

Pakistani brands also need broader ambitions. Many fashion businesses rely heavily on the South Asian diaspora, an important but limited customer base. Developing products for wider audiences and studying global demand could open larger opportunities.

“Pakistan therefore needs to think beyond individual courier rates and look at the full ecosystem: customs, payments, banking, logistics, fulfilment and export readiness,” said Zariq Ahmed Mughal, who leads Marketing and International Coordination at SkyNet Pakistan.

Reliable international logistics should not be limited to large corporations or businesses able to absorb premium costs. Efficient shipping, fulfilment and returns can influence whether SMEs compete overseas.

Pakistan’s export ambitions will depend on more than producing goods for international buyers. Businesses must deliver reliably, manage the commercial realities of cross-border trade and build operations that can scale. Making that journey easier—from the first international order to becoming a regular exporter—could turn individual opportunities into sustained growth.

Source: brecorder

LONDON: Meghan, the wife of Britain’s Prince Harry, will no longer address a European Parliament gathering on child online safety issues on Tuesday, her first ​public event since her father was charged with possessing child sexual abuse ‌photos.

The couple are still expected to appear in Brussels, where Harry will deliver a speech at the opening of the Lost Screen Memorial.

A spokesman said he would not make any ​reference to the arrest of Thomas Markle, Meghan’s estranged father, in Florida ​last week.

The Daily Telegraph reported that Meghan, who said in a ⁠statement last month that she was “deeply distressed” about the allegations about her father, ​did not feel “strong enough” to speak at the event, as had been planned.

Thomas Markle ​was charged with possession of child sexual abuse photos last week, including photographs of himself with naked underage girls, found in rented storage units in California.

Pakistan-built robots serve taste of future to Karachi diners

The 82-year-old denied the accusations of possessing ​child sexual abuse material when they initially came to light, telling the Daily ​Mail they were untrue and “sick lies.”

Meghan has been estranged from her father since the run-up to ‌her ⁠marriage to King Charles’ younger son Harry in 2018.

She said in her statement last month that she had known about the allegations against him since 2018 and had prevented him from having contact with her children Archie, 7, and Lilibet, 5, ​to protect them.

In Brussels, ​Harry and Meghan ⁠are expected to join European Parliament President Roberta Metsola at the opening of the Lost Screen Memorial, an art installation ​commemorating children who have lost their lives as a result ​of suffering ⁠harm on social media.

The royal couple first launched the memorial in New York last year through their charitable organisation Archewell, which they set up in 2020 after stepping ⁠back from ​royal duties and moving to the United States.

Their ​trip to Brussels follows an appearance in Nottingham in October, their first joint appearance since they moved back ​to live in Britain.

Source: brecorder

BANGKOK: The Thai baht was steady against the US dollar on Tuesday.

At 0133 GMT, the baht was 0.05% lower at 33.42 versus the dollar, after trading in a range of 33.385 to 33.433.

It ended the previous session at 33.4025 per dollar, as per LSEG data.

Source: brecorder